Цари, святые, мифотворцы в средневековой Европе - Коллектив авторов

was forced to resort, like Byzantium, temporary alliances with various neighbouring states (Khazar khaganate, Bagratids principalities, etc.). One of the major challenges for the Abkhazian kings was to overcome the internal fragmentation provoked by heterogeneous ethnic and political nature of their Kingdom.

Anna Litvina, Fjodor Uspenskij

The Ruler and His Namesakes

in the North and in the East of Europe

Dynastic life in medieval Europe was subject to a complex network of norms, rules, and prohibitions. Some of these were recorded in writing, although, as a rule, with a significant delay, when the rules themselves were about to fall out of use. Others, despite remaining unwritten, regulated many aspects of everyday dynastic life, which repeatedly confirmed their existence. One of the spheres regulated by such unwritten but very effective norms was that of name-giving. Based on evidence from various European royal courts between the 9th and early 13th centuries, we can identify a set of parameters according to which names could be given to members of the ruling family and establish which of these parameters were relevant to each dynasty. These structural links are of interest in themselves, both for creating a comprehensive dynastic portrait, be it of the rulers of France, Hungary, Poland, Rus or Scandinavia, and for identifying certain legal relations with the help of proper nouns. The following are perhaps the most significant and systemic parameters, which determined all others: Could a new member of a dynasty receive the name of his living father or grandfather and Could dynastic names be widely used outside a dynasty? In the Middle Ages, newborns in all European ruling families were most likely to receive the names of their ancestors. The question is whether the names of living relatives could be used, or whether, based on vestigial archaic notions about a kind of reincarnation of an ancestor in his progeny, only the names of dead ancestors could be used.

Alexandr Nazarenko

The Codex Gertrudianus after Gertrud.

The Fate of a Book on Dynastic Crossroads of the 12th Century

The so called Codex Gertrudianus, a late-carolingian Psalter from Reichenau, now in Cividale-nel-Friuli (Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Cod. cap. CXXXVI, Inv. 1545) once was in possession of Gertrud, daughter of Polish king Mieszko and wife of Kievan prince Izyaslav Yaroslavich (t 1078). It came to Cividale after 1220, donated by saint Elisabeth of Thüringen. She received it from the west-bavarian counts Andechs-Diessen, and they – from Gertrud, daughter of Polish prince Boleslaw III and nun of Zwiefalten in Eastern Schwaben. It is normally accepted that this last Gertrud had the Psalter from her mother Salomee, countess of Berg, who shall have inherited it from the Boleslaw Ills first wife, daughter of Kievan prince Svyatopolk, sun of Izyaslav and Gertrud. But the calendar of the Codex commemorates the east-bavarian counts Vohburg, for instance, Diepold III (t 1146). This fact allows us to propose an alternative hypothesis, that the Codex got into hands of Gertrud of Zwiefalten from the second Diepold s wife, Kunigund, whose mother, Kunigund as well, had been married to the Volyn prince Yaropolk, sun of Izyaslav and Gertrud. The major Kunigund shall have received the Codex from her mother-in-law before her death, 1085/6. This hypothesis could support the authors point of view, that Yaropolk was the only sun of Izyaslav and Gertrud, Svyatopolk beeing born from a concubine, and that the chronicles mention of the death of Svyatopolks mother (1108) does not concern Gertrud.

Oleg Voskoboynikov

Right to Myth.

An Introduction to the Poetics of the School of Chartres

This article is an introduction to some most important texts, linked to the so called School of Chartres: the De sex dierum operibus by Thierry of Chartres, the Cosmographia by Bernard Silvestris, the Philosophia by William of Conches. These scholars combined commenting on authoritative texts of the past, from the Genesis to Vergile, Boethius, Macrobius etc. with sometimes profoundly innovating attempts to describe the world in prosaic and poetic texts of their own. The author tries to analyse these different forms of writing and teaching, the style of its expression in order to understand better the doctrinal achievements, traditionally ascribed to this eminent center of the XIIth century Renaissance. He compares “chartrian” texts with some no less influent texts of the same period: from Guibert of Nogent and Abaelard to Hugh of Saint-Victor.

Svetlana Yatsyk

Wise Saints and Virtuous Pagans:

John of Wales on the “Problem of Paganism”

Franciscan theologian and industrious collector of exempla John of Wales (t ca. 1285) was a forerunner of socalled “classicizing” movement within the Franciscan order. “Classicising friars” had a special concern in Antiquity and inclined to combine scholastic background and classical tradition and literature while working on educational and didactic texts. John who was definitely fascinated by lives of pagan philosophers and intended to use their stories as sources of moralising exempla, had to face a “problem of paganism” (term introduced by J. Marenbon). He felt the need to justify the application of ancient exempla in sermons. Current article aims at tracing his arguments for the use of “pagan” exempla. As a result of analysis of Johns “-loquia” sequence, following pros were brought to light: first of all, he makes references to the authority of Church fathers and other theologians who also mentioned Seneca and other philosophers. Secondly, he stated (cunningly, of course) that whereas biblical exempla were already well-known for the preachers, he felt the need to introduce some new stories. John believed that the preacher had to have a convenient sermon for every moment, not only while preaching but for didactic talks in mensa as well. Finally, his third argument was inspired by St. Augustin who affirmed that human deeds have to be classified according to their goal or motivation (finis). So, John proved the virtuosity of pagans deeds by showing that this act aimed at utility (utilitas) or honour (honestas).

Mikhail Dmitriev

From Anti-Judaism to “Judaizing”

in the Orthodox Culture of the Eastern Europe,